President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s Second Bill of Rights Annotated
Franklin D. Roosevelt “State of the Union Message to Congress”
January 11, 1944
To the Congress:
This Nation in the past two years has become an active partner in the world’s greatest war against human slavery.1
We have joined with like-minded people in order to defend ourselves in a world that has been gravely threatened with gangster rule.
But I do not think that any of us Americans can be content with mere survival. Sacrifices that we and our allies are making impose upon us all a sacred obligation to see to it that out of this war we and our children will gain something better than mere survival.
We are united in determination that this war shall not be followed by another interim which leads to new disaster that we shall not repeat the tragic errors of ostrich isolationism—that we shall not repeat the excesses of the wild twenties when this Nation went for a joy ride on a roller coaster which ended in a tragic crash.2
When Mr. Hull went to Moscow in October, and when I went to Cairo and Teheran in November, we knew that we were in agreement with our allies in our common determination to fight and win this war. But there were many vital questions concerning the future peace, and they were discussed in an atmosphere of complete candor and harmony.3
In the last war such discussions, such meetings, did not even begin until the shooting had stopped and the delegates began to assemble at the peace table. There had been no previous opportunities for man-to-man discussions which lead to meetings of minds. The result was a peace which was not a peace.4
That was a mistake which we are not repeating in this war.
And right here I want to address a word or two to some suspicious souls who are fearful that Mr. Hull or I have made “commitments” for the future which might pledge this Nation to secret treaties, or to enacting the role of Santa Claus.5
To such suspicious souls—using a polite terminology—I wish to say that Mr. Churchill, and Marshal Stalin, and Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek are all thoroughly conversant with the provisions of our Constitution. And so is Mr. Hull. And so am I.6
Of course we made some commitments. We most certainly committed ourselves to very large and very specific military plans which require the use of all Allied forces to bring about the defeat of our enemies at the earliest possible time.7
But there were no secret treaties or political or financial commitments.
The one supreme objective for the future, which we discussed for each Nation individually, and for all the United Nations, can be summed up in one word: Security.8
And that means not only physical security which provides safety from attacks by aggressors. It means also economic security, social security, moral security—in a family of Nations.
In the plain down-to-earth talks that I had with the Generalissimo and Marshal Stalin and Prime Minister Churchill, it was abundantly clear that they are all most deeply interested in the resumption of peaceful progress by their own peoples—progress toward a better life. All our allies want freedom to develop their lands and resources, to build up industry, to increase education and individual opportunity, and to raise standards of living.9
All our allies have learned by bitter experience that real development will not be possible if they are to be diverted from their purpose by repeated wars—or even threats of war.
China and Russia are truly united with Britain and America in recognition of this essential fact:10
The best interests of each Nation, large and small, demand that all freedom-loving Nations shall join together in a just and durable system of peace.11 In the present world situation, evidenced by the actions of Germany, Italy, and Japan, unquestioned military control over disturbers of the peace is as necessary among Nations as it is among citizens in a community. And an equally basic essential to peace is a decent standard of living for all individual men and women and children in all Nations. Freedom from fear is eternally linked with freedom from want.12
There are people who burrow through our Nation like unseeing moles, and attempt to spread the suspicion that if other Nations are encouraged to raise their standards of living, our own American standard of living must of necessity be depressed.13
The fact is the very contrary. It has been shown time and again that if the standard of living of any country goes up, so does its purchasing power—and that such a rise encourages a better standard of living in neighboring countries with whom it trades.14 That is just plain common sense—and it is the kind of plain common sense that provided the basis for our discussions at Moscow, Cairo, and Teheran.
Returning from my journeyings, I must confess to a sense of “let-down” when I found many evidences of faulty perspective here in Washington. The faulty perspective consists in overemphasizing lesser problems and thereby underemphasizing the first and greatest problem.15
The overwhelming majority of our people have met the demands of this war with magnificent courage and understanding. They have accepted inconveniences; they have accepted hardships; they have accepted tragic sacrifices. And they are ready and eager to make whatever further contributions are needed to win the war as quickly as possible—if only they are given the chance to know what is required of them.16
However, while the majority goes on about its great work without complaint, a noisy minority maintains an uproar of demands for special favors for special groups. There are pests who swarm through the lobbies of the Congress and the cocktail bars of Washington, representing these special groups as opposed to the basic interests of the Nation as a whole. They have come to look upon the war primarily as a chance to make profits for themselves at the expense of their neighbors—profits in money or in terms of political or social preferment.17
Such selfish agitation can be highly dangerous in wartime. It creates confusion. It damages morale. It hampers our national effort. It muddies the waters and therefore prolongs the war.
If we analyze American history impartially, we cannot escape the fact that in our past we have not always forgotten individual and selfish and partisan interests in time of war—we have not always been united in purpose and direction. We cannot overlook the serious dissensions and the lack of unity in our war of the Revolution, in our War of 1812, or in our War Between the States, when the survival of the Union itself was at stake.
In the first World War we came closer to national unity than in any previous war. But that war lasted only a year and a half, and increasing signs of disunity began to appear during the final months of the conflict.18
In this war, we have been compelled to learn how interdependent upon each other are all groups and sections of the population of America.19
Increased food costs, for example, will bring new demands for wage increases from all war workers, which will in turn raise all prices of all things including those things which the farmers themselves have to buy. Increased wages or prices will each in turn produce the same results. They all have a particularly disastrous result on all fixed income groups.20
And I hope you will remember that all of us in this Government represent the fixed income group just as much as we represent business owners, workers, and farmers.21 This group of fixed income people includes: teachers, clergy, policemen, firemen, widows and minors on fixed incomes, wives and dependents of our soldiers and sailors, and old-age pensioners. They and their families add up to one-quarter of our one hundred and thirty million people. They have few or no high pressure representatives at the Capitol. In a period of gross inflation they would be the worst sufferers.22
If ever there was a time to subordinate individual or group selfishness to the national good, that time is now. Disunity at home—bickerings, self-seeking partisanship, stoppages of work, inflation, business as usual, politics as usual, luxury as usual these are the influences which can undermine the morale of the brave men ready to die at the front for us here.23
Those who are doing most of the complaining are not deliberately striving to sabotage the national war effort. They are laboring under the delusion that the time is past when we must make prodigious sacrifices—that the war is already won and we can begin to slacken off.24 But the dangerous folly of that point of view can be measured by the distance that separates our troops from their ultimate objectives in Berlin and Tokyo—and by the sum of all the perils that lie along the way.
Overconfidence and complacency are among our deadliest enemies.25 Last spring—after notable victories at Stalingrad and in Tunisia and against the U-boats on the high seas—overconfidence became so pronounced that war production fell off. In two months, June and July, 1943, more than a thousand airplanes that could have been made and should have been made were not made. Those who failed to make them were not on strike. They were merely saying, “The war’s in the bag- so let’s relax.”
That attitude on the part of anyone—Government or management or labor—can lengthen this war. It can kill American boys.26
Let us remember the lessons of 1918. In the summer of that year the tide turned in favor of the allies. But this Government did not relax. In fact, our national effort was stepped up. In August, 1918, the draft age limits were broadened from 21-31 to 18-45. The President called for “force to the utmost,” and his call was heeded. And in November, only three months later, Germany surrendered.27
That is the way to fight and win a war—all out—and not with half-an-eye on the battlefronts abroad and the other eye-and-a-half on personal, selfish, or political interests here at home.28
Therefore, in order to concentrate all our energies and resources on winning the war, and to maintain a fair and stable economy at home, I recommend that the Congress adopt:29
(1) A realistic tax law—which will tax all unreasonable profits, both individual and corporate, and reduce the ultimate cost of the war to our sons and daughters. The tax bill now under consideration by the Congress does not begin to meet this test.30
(2) A continuation of the law for the renegotiation of war contracts—which will prevent exorbitant profits and assure fair prices to the Government. For two long years I have pleaded with the Congress to take undue profits out of war.31
(3) A cost of food law—which will enable the Government (a) to place a reasonable floor under the prices the farmer may expect for his production; and (b) to place a ceiling on the prices a consumer will have to pay for the food he buys. This should apply to necessities only; and will require public funds to carry out. It will cost in appropriations about one percent of the present annual cost of the war.32
(4) Early reenactment of the stabilization statute of October, 1942. This expires June 30, 1944, and if it is not extended well in advance, the country might just as well expect price chaos by summer.33
We cannot have stabilization by wishful thinking. We must take positive action to maintain the integrity of the American dollar.
(5) A national service law—which, for the duration of the war, will prevent strikes, and, with certain appropriate exceptions, will make available for war production or for any other essential services every able-bodied adult in this Nation.34
These five measures together form a just and equitable whole. I would not recommend a national service law unless the other laws were passed to keep down the cost of living, to share equitably the burdens of taxation, to hold the stabilization line, and to prevent undue profits.35
The Federal Government already has the basic power to draft capital and property of all kinds for war purposes on a basis of just compensation.36
As you know, I have for three years hesitated to recommend a national service act. Today, however, I am convinced of its necessity.37 Although I believe that we and our allies can win the war without such a measure, I am certain that nothing less than total mobilization of all our resources of manpower and capital will guarantee an earlier victory, and reduce the toll of suffering and sorrow and blood.38
I have received a joint recommendation for this law from the heads of the War Department, the Navy Department, and the Maritime Commission.39 These are the men who bear responsibility for the procurement of the necessary arms and equipment, and for the successful prosecution of the war in the field. They say:
“When the very life of the Nation is in peril the responsibility for service is common to all men and women. In such a time there can be no discrimination between the men and women who are assigned by the Government to its defense at the battlefront and the men and women assigned to producing the vital materials essential to successful military operations. A prompt enactment of a National Service Law would be merely an expression of the universality of this responsibility.”40
I believe the country will agree that those statements are the solemn truth.
National service is the most democratic way to wage a war. Like selective service for the armed forces, it rests on the obligation of each citizen to serve his Nation to his utmost where he is best qualified.41
It does not mean reduction in wages. It does not mean loss of retirement and seniority rights and benefits. It does not mean that any substantial numbers of war workers will be disturbed in their present jobs. Let these facts be wholly clear.42
Experience in other democratic Nations at war—Britain, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand—has shown that the very existence of national service makes unnecessary the widespread use of compulsory power. National service has proven to be a unifying moral force based on an equal and comprehensive legal obligation of all people in a Nation at war.43
There are millions of American men and women who are not in this war at all. It is not because they do not want to be in it. But they want to know where they can best do their share. National service provides that direction. It will be a means by which every man and woman can find that inner satisfaction which comes from making the fullest possible contribution to victory.44
I know that all civilian war workers will be glad to be able to say many years hence to their grandchildren: “Yes, I, too, was in service in the great war. I was on duty in an airplane factory, and I helped make hundreds of fighting planes. The Government told me that in doing that I was performing my most useful work in the service of my country.”45
It is argued that we have passed the stage in the war where national service is necessary. But our soldiers and sailors know that this is not true. We are going forward on a long, rough road—and, in all journeys, the last miles are the hardest. And it is for that final effort—for the total defeat of our enemies-that we must mobilize our total resources.46 The national war program calls for the employment of more people in 1944 than in 1943.
It is my conviction that the American people will welcome this win-the-war measure which is based on the eternally just principle of “fair for one, fair for all.”47
It will give our people at home the assurance that they are standing four-square behind our soldiers and sailors. And it will give our enemies demoralizing assurance that we mean business—that we, 130,000,000 Americans, are on the march to Rome, Berlin, and Tokyo.48
I hope that the Congress will recognize that, although this is a political year, national service is an issue which transcends politics. Great power must be used for great purposes.49
As to the machinery for this measure, the Congress itself should determine its nature—but it should be wholly nonpartisan in its make-up.50
Our armed forces are valiantly fulfilling their responsibilities to our country and our people. Now the Congress faces the responsibility for taking those measures which are essential to national security in this the most decisive phase of the Nation’s greatest war.51
Several alleged reasons have prevented the enactment of legislation which would preserve for our soldiers and sailors and marines the fundamental prerogative of citizenship—the right to vote.1 No amount of legalistic argument can becloud this issue in the eyes of these ten million American citizens. Surely the signers of the Constitution did not intend a document which, even in wartime, would be construed to take away the franchise of any of those who are fighting to preserve the Constitution itself.53
Our soldiers and sailors and marines know that the overwhelming majority of them will be deprived of the opportunity to vote, if the voting machinery is left exclusively to the States under existing State laws—and that there is no likelihood of these laws being changed in time to enable them to vote at the next election. The Army and Navy have reported that it will be impossible effectively to administer forty-eight different soldier voting laws.54 It is the duty of the Congress to remove this unjustifiable discrimination against the men and women in our armed forces—and to do it as quickly as possible.55
It is our duty now to begin to lay the plans and determine the strategy for the winning of a lasting peace and the establishment of an American standard of living higher than ever before known.56 We cannot be content, no matter how high that general standard of living may be, if some fraction of our people—whether it be one-third or one-fifth or one-tenth- is ill-fed, ill-clothed, ill housed, and insecure.57
This Republic had its beginning, and grew to its present strength, under the protection of certain inalienable political rights—among them the right of free speech, free press, free worship, trial by jury, freedom from unreasonable searches and seizures. They were our rights to life and liberty.58
As our Nation has grown in size and stature, however—as our industrial economy expanded—these political rights proved inadequate to assure us equality in the pursuit of happiness.59
We have come to a clear realization of the fact that true individual freedom cannot exist without economic security and independence. “Necessitous men are not free men.” People who are hungry and out of a job are the stuff of which dictatorships are made.60
In our day these economic truths have become accepted as self-evident. We have accepted, so to speak, a second Bill of Rights under which a new basis of security and prosperity can be established for all regardless of station, race, or creed.61
Among these are:62
The right to a useful and remunerative job in the industries or shops or farms or mines of the Nation;63
The right to earn enough to provide adequate food and clothing and recreation;64
The right of every farmer to raise and sell his products at a return which will give him and his family a decent living;65
The right of every businessman, large and small, to trade in an atmosphere of freedom from unfair competition and domination by monopolies at home or abroad;66
The right of every family to a decent home;67
The right to adequate medical care and the opportunity to achieve and enjoy good health;68
The right to adequate protection from the economic fears of old age, sickness, accident, and unemployment;69
The right to a good education.70
All of these rights spell security. And after this war is won we must be prepared to move forward, in the implementation of these rights, to new goals of human happiness and well-being.71
America’s own rightful place in the world depends in large part upon how fully these and similar rights have been carried into practice for our citizens. For unless there is security here at home there cannot be lasting peace in the world.72
One of the great American industrialists of our day—a man who has rendered yeoman service to his country in this crisis-recently emphasized the grave dangers of “rightist reaction” in this Nation. All clear-thinking businessmen share his concern. Indeed, if such reaction should develop—if history were to repeat itself and we were to return to the so-called “normalcy” of the 1920’s—then it is certain that even though we shall have conquered our enemies on the battlefields abroad, we shall have yielded to the spirit of Fascism here at home.73
I ask the Congress to explore the means for implementing this economic bill of rights—for it is definitely the responsibility of the Congress so to do.74 Many of these problems are already before committees of the Congress in the form of proposed legislation. I shall from time to time communicate with the Congress with respect to these and further proposals. In the event that no adequate program of progress is evolved, I am certain that the Nation will be conscious of the fact.
Our fighting men abroad—and their families at home—expect such a program and have the right to insist upon it. It is to their demands that this Government should pay heed rather than to the whining demands of selfish pressure groups who seek to feather their nests while young Americans are dying.75
The foreign policy that we have been following—the policy that guided us at Moscow, Cairo, and Teheran—is based on the common sense principle which was best expressed by Benjamin Franklin on July 4, 1776: “We must all hang together, or assuredly we shall all hang separately.”76
I have often said that there are no two fronts for America in this war. There is only one front. There is one line of unity which extends from the hearts of the people at home to the men of our attacking forces in our farthest outposts. When we speak of our total effort, we speak of the factory and the field, and the mine as well as of the battleground—we speak of the soldier and the civilian, the citizen and his Government.77
Each and every one of us has a solemn obligation under God to serve this Nation in its most critical hour—to keep this Nation great—to make this Nation greater in a better world.78
1The United States entered World War II in 1941.
2The 1920s, the decade following World War I, was known as the “Roaring Twenties.” Roosevelt does not want the nation to follow the same path following World War II.
3Cordell Hull was the Secretary of State under Franklin D. Roosevelt (FDR). Both Hull and FDR attended meetings to discuss the current war and future peace.
4These types of meetings weren’t held until after the end of World War I, and FDR doesn’t want to make the same mistake that might lead to another World War.
5There were suspicions that Hull and Roosevelt were pledging future commitments to the allies.
6Roosevelt states that the Allied leaders were acting within the U.S. Constitution.
7They did commit to a large, specific military plan to defeat the enemies as soon as possible, but there were no political or financial agreements.
8The main objective was security including physical, economic, social, and moral security.
9Roosevelt states that the Allied leaders wanted to resume peaceful progress toward a better life for their people. They wanted freedom to develop lands and resources, build up industry, increase education and opportunity, and raise standards of living.
10China and Russia are united with Britain and America.
11In the best interests of each nation, all freedom-loving nations should join together in peace.
12Freedom from fear is linked to freedom from want.
13While some people believe that raising the standard of living in other nations will decrease the standard of living in the United States, Roosevelt disagrees.
14He believes that as the standard of living increases so does purchasing power and trade.
15Roosevelt believes that many in Washington have a faulty [broken or incorrect] perspective that overemphasizes lesser problems while underemphasizing the greatest problem.
16Roosevelt believes that the majority of citizens have maintained their courage and accepted inconveniences, hardships, and sacrifices during the war, but they are still eager to contribute more to win the war quickly if given the chance.
17He believes that it was the minority of people who demand special favors or look upon the war as a way to make profits in money, politics, or social preference.
18The American people were closer to unity during World War I than they were in previous wars.
19In World War II, the American people have been compelled to be interdependent.
20Increased food costs lead to demands for increased wages that will then causes prices to rise again, and these issues will lead to problems for those on fixed incomes.
21Government represents those on fixed incomes [teachers, clergy, police, etc.] as well as business owners, workers, and farmers.
22According to FDR, those on fixed incomes have few high pressure representatives at the Capitol. These people will suffer under high inflation.
23Problems at home including bickering, partisanship, stoppages of work, inflation, business, politics, and luxury can undermine the morale of the soldiers in the war.
24Those who are complaining the most are trying to sabotage the war effort; they believe that the war is already won, but it is not.
25Overconfidence and complacency are our deadliest enemies.
26That attitude can lengthen the war and kill American boys.
27In 1918 during World War I, the tide turned toward the United States and its allies, but the government did not step back, it stepped up. Only three months later, Germany surrendered.
28We need to fight the war all out – not with half an eye abroad and half an eye on interests at home.
29Roosevelt recommends several laws that Congress should adopt, including:
301) A realistic tax law to reduce the costs of the war on future generations.
312) A continuation of the law to renegotiate war contracts to prevent extreme profits and assure fair prices.
323) A law to lower the cost of food to place a floor and ceiling on prices for food.
334) Reenactment of the stabilization statute to rein ensure the stabilization and integrity of the American dollar.
345) A national service law that will prevent strikes and make every able-bodied adult available for war production or other services.
35These five measures together form a just and equitable whole to keep down the cost of living, share the burdens of taxes, and prevent undue taxes and then instituting a national service law if all of the other laws are passed.
36The government already has the power to use capital and property for war purposes with just compensation.
37He has hesitated to recommend a national service act in the past, but he is now convinced of its necessity.
38Nothing less than total mobilization of all resources will guarantee an early victory.
39There is a joint recommendation from the War and Navy Departments and the Maritime Commission for the national service law.
40The departments say that when the nation is in peril it is the responsibility of all men and women to serve their country. There should be no discrimination between men and women at the battlefront and men and women producing military materials.
41A law would express this universal responsibility.
42National service is the most democratic way to wage war. Every citizen is obliged to serve his or her nation.
43This does not mean a reduction in wages, loss of retirement, or loss of rights and benefits.
44The use of national services in other countries shows that it makes the use of compulsory power unnecessary. It is a unifying moral force based on legal obligations of people during war.
45Millions of people what to know what to do to participate in the war, and the national service will give them direction. It will help them find inner satisfaction.
46Workers will be able to tell their grandchildren that they were in service during the war.
47Some have argued that we are passed the stage of national service during this war, but we need to mobilize our resources to totally defeat our enemies.
48This will be based on the just principle that what is “fair for one, [is] fair for all.”
49It will demoralize our enemies and show them that we mean business.
50Roosevelt hopes that Congress will realize that national service is an issue that is above politics.
51Congress should determine the nature of the law in a nonpartisan manner.
52The armed forces are already fulfilling their responsibilities, it is time for Congress to face their responsibilities.
53A concern is that those serving in the armed forces will not have an opportunity to vote.
54The signers of the Constitution did not intend to take away the right to vote from those serving to protect the document.
55If the states continue to run elections, the armed forces will be unable to vote because it would be too difficult to administer 48 different voting laws. [There were 48 states in the United States in 1944.]
56Congress should remove this discrimination against the armed forces as quickly as possible.
57We now have to lay the plans and strategies for winning peace and establishing a higher standard of living.
58We cannot be content if some fraction of Americans are ill-fed, ill-clothed, ill-housed, and insecure.
59The nation began to protect certain inalienable political rights – to life and liberty.
60Now that our nation has grown, these rights have proved inadequate to assure equality.
61Individual freedom cannot exist without economic security and independence. If people are hungry or out of a job, a dictatorship can rise. We have accepted a second Bill of Rights under which a new basis of security and prosperity can be established.
64The right to earn enough for food, clothing, and recreation.
65The right for farmers to raise and sell products which will give his family a decent living.
66The right of every businessman to trade freely without unfair completion and domination by monopolies.
68The right to adequate medical care to achieve and enjoy good health.
69The right to protection of economic fears relating to old age, accident, sickness, or unemployment.
70The right to a good education.
71All of these rights spell security, and after the war the implementation of these rights we can move forward to new goals of happiness and well-being.
72America’s rightful place depends on how these rights are carried into practice.
73There are many industrialists and businessmen who are considered about a return to the “normalcy” of the 1920s.
74Roosevelt asks Congress to explore ways to implement the economic bill of rights as part of their responsibilities.
75The American people have the right to insist on and expect such a program, and the government should pay attention.
76We must continue with the principle of Benjamin Franklin: “We must all hang together, or assuredly we will shall all hang separately.”
77There is only one front in this war and there is a line of unity from the people at home to the men fighting the war throughout the world. The total effort includes everyone.
78Everyone has an obligation to serve the nation, keep it great, and make it greater in a better world.