“The goal of the James Madison Fellowship is to help secondary level history, government, and social studies teachers to become outstanding educators of the U.S. Constitution.” The Fellowship pays up to $24,000 to cover actual costs of tuition, required fees, books, and room and board to allow each Fellow to earn a master’s degree in American history or political science. James Madison Fellows may choose the accredited university where they will study. Constitutional study must be a prominent feature of the Fellow’s program, and he/she must agree to a continuing professional teaching obligation: “After earning a master’s degree, each James Madison Fellow must teach American history, American government, or social studies in grades 7-12 for no less than one year for each full academic year of study under the fellowship.” The James Madison Foundation’s Summer Institute on the Constitution is one of the most memorable and unique features of the Fellowship. Think “academic boot camp” for history and government teachers. In July, new Fellows meet at Georgetown University for a rigorous and intense four-week graduate course entitled, “The Foundations of American Constitutionalism.” The course includes required preparatory reading and is taught by leading scholars of the Constitution. There are several field trips to sites associated with the Founding of our country, and solid friendships are forged as Fellows test their academic skills.

The Fellowship’s goal is to boost the skill—and the passion—that history and government teachers bring to their craft. Here are a few testimonials from Fellows that illustrate just how effectively this goal is achieved:

I really appreciate the fact that the Madison Foundation allows for an open discussion of the Constitution without any kind of “spin” or “agenda.” ’95 (MI)

“This was a life-changing experience and my teaching will never be the same—it will be better.” ’04 (TX)

“I return home a better teacher than when I departed a month ago, molded through hours of reading, lecture, discussion, and tours, not to mention the conversations held with an incredible assemblage of teaching talent.” ’01 (WI)

“I thank the Madison Foundation for carrying on the Constitution’s spirit. . . as I and other Fellows pass the torch to the next generation of Americans in our classrooms.” ’97 (NH)

Fellowships are awarded in each state; an applicant competes only against others from his/her own state. Applications are due March 1, and everything you need to apply as a Madison Fellow, including Fellowship FAQs, is available on the Fellowship website at JamesMadison.com. Becoming a Madison Fellow is one of the best things you can do for yourself and your students in the New Year, and I’d love to answer any questions you may have about the Fellowship. If you are a Madison Fellow, please write to tell me how the Fellowship has benefited you.

In Session 806, Gennie will conduct an interactive session featuring Supreme Court case studies to outline the First Amendment’s protection of public school students’ rights regarding religion.

In Session 173, Gennie will use activities, discussions, and examination of primary sources to show the development and impact of the contract theory of government.

In Session 377, Philips will use primary sources in a document-based question format to explore the development of the principles of equal protection and affirmative action.

In Session 414, Gennie will trace the enduring tension between protecting individual liberties and preserving national security through an examination of primary sources from the Founding to the War on Terror.

While the locations of these sessions are subject to change, this table provides additional details.

We hope to see you at the Convention—both in these sessions, and at our booth, where you can register for some great prizes!

Philadelphia, September 10 – 15, 1787

As the weather finally cools a bit and the Convention enters what will be the final week of deliberations, the main topics of discussion are the amendment process and the ratification process.  On Monday, September 10, Elbridge Gerry raises a concern about the amendment process—he fears that the new constitution could be amended to “subvert the State Constitutions altogether.” James Madison’s response increases the voice of the states by requiring ratification of a constitutional amendment by three-fourths of the state legislatures or conventions in three-fourths of the states.  John Rutledge of South Carolina is concerned that states opposing slavery could use the amendment process to reduce the institution’s protections.  Therefore, the delegates add this clause to the amendment process: “Provided that no amendments which may be made prior to the year 1808, shall in any manner affect” the passages related to slavery.

The conversation turns to the ratification process for the new constitution.  In order to establish the new national government, do they need the approval of Congress?  Do they need all thirteen states to sign on?  Will nine states be enough?  Gerry is concerned that it is improper to change the government without the approval of the Confederation Congress.  After all, the Convention holds its authority from Congress.  Edmund Randolph of Virginia believes that an even more involved process is necessary for the new constitution to take effect.  While he knows the delegates will probably vote down his proposal, he thinks the new government should only take effect after a three-step process: 1. Submit the draft constitution to Congress for its approval. 2. State conventions should be able to submit amendments to the draft constitution.   3. The 1787 draft constitution, along with the state-suggested amendments, should be submitted to a second general convention, which would then develop the final Constitution.  Gerry agrees with Randolph’s plan.  Madison’s notes record: “Mr. Gerry urged the indecency and pernicious tendency of dissolving in so slight a manner, the solemn obligations of the Articles of Confederation.  If nine out of thirteen can dissolve the compact, six out of nine will be just as able to dissolve the new one hereafter.”  Randolph is correct—his call for a second constitutional convention, although it wins the support of both Mason and Gerry, is rejected.  James Wilson of Pennsylvania believes that making the assent of Congress, or requiring all 13 states to ratify, would be “insuperable obstacles.”  The convention votes not to require Congress’s approval, but that upon ratification of any 9 states, the Constitution will take effect.

On Wednesday, September 12, the Committee of Style presents the plan, reading it aloud by paragraphs, and orders that printed copies of this almost-final draft be provided to the delegates.  Accompanying the draft will be a letter from the President of the Convention, George Washington, to the President of the Congress, Arthur St. Clair of Pennsylvania.  Excerpts of this letter are shown below:

Sir,

We have now the honor to submit to the consideration of the United States in Congress assembled, that Constitution which has appeared to us the most advisable.

The friends of our country have long seen and desired, that the power of making war, peace, and treaties, that of levying money and regulating commerce, and the correspondent executive and judicial authorities should be fully and effectually vested in the general government of the Union…

It is obviously impracticable in the federal government of these states, to secure all rights of independent sovereignty to each, and yet provide for the interest and safety of all: individuals entering into society, must give up a share of liberty to preserve the rest.  The magnitude of the sacrifice must depend as well on situation and circumstance, as on the object to be obtained.  It is at all times difficult to draw with precision the line between those rights which must be surrendered, and those which may be reserved; and on the present occasion this difficulty was increased by a difference among the several states as to their situation, extent, habits, and particular interests.

In all our deliberations on this subject we kept steadily in our view, that which appears to us the greatest interest of every true American, the consolidation of our Union, in which is involved our prosperity, felicity, safety, perhaps our national existence…

For more detailed information on the Constitutional Convention, please visit Prof. Gordon Lloyd’s web companion to the Philadelphia Convention.

Philadelphia –

Establishing the Presidency

One of the most persistent topics discussed in the Philadelphia Convention was the structure of the presidency. The Framers had grappled with this topic on June 1, 2, 4, 9, and 18, and then again on July 17, 18, 19, 20, 24, 25, and 26. The main issues were questions of the President’s re-eligibility, term of office, method of election, and powers of office. Not only did the delegates debate various alternatives to resolve each of these issues, they also debated which of these issues should be resolved first. They ended up repeatedly returning to each.

In early June, delegates decided that the Executive would be one individual (rather than a committee), who would serve a seven-year term and be ineligible for re-election, but reached no decision concerning the method of election. After working through several other alternatives, the Framers in late July returned to the position that the President should be elected by the national legislature for a seven-year, non-renewable term. On July 24, one suggestion was that members of Congress be chosen by lot to select the President, to which Rufus King replied, “We ought to be governed by reason, not by chance.”

On Wednesday, July 25, the delegates returned yet again to the method of selecting the President. James Madison summarized the alternatives and objections to each. If the President were selected by the national legislature, or by the legislatures of the states, or by the governors of the states, then he would be subservient to the selecting group because they would only elect someone whom they expected to be able to control.

The result would be a likelihood of corruption and misconduct in office, and not the separation of powers that allowed each branch to function as a watchdog over the others.

Madison argued that this left two options: direct election by the people, or appointment by a group of electors chosen by the people. The convention’s delegates distrusted direct democracy. They were determined that the new government would embody republican principles, but believed that most people were unlikely to make wise choices in direct election of the President. Another argument against direct election by the people was that it would result in a disadvantage for smaller states. Madison’s notes reflect that, following his July 25 speech advocating appointment of the President by a group of electors chosen by the people, Gouverneur Morris supported a similar plan: “He [Morris] considered an election by the people as the best, by the Legislature as the worst, mode…” On July 19, Morris had explained why the President should not be dependent for his position on the will of Congress: “It is necessary then that the Executive Magistrate [President] should be the guardian of the people, even of the lower classes, against Legislative tyranny, against the Great and the wealthy who in the course of things will necessarily compose the Legislative body. Wealth tends to corrupt the mind and nourish its love of power, and to stimulate it to oppression… The Executive therefore ought to be so constituted as to be the great protector of the Mass of the people.”

On Thursday, July 26, after reviewing once again the various alternatives for electing the President, George Mason concluded that election by the national legislature was the best method, and that he be ineligible for re-election. At this point Benjamin Franklin stated that for an elected official to step down from office and return to the mass of the people was actually a promotion. “In free Governments the rulers are the servants, and the people their superiors & sovereigns. For the former therefore to return among the latter was not to degrade but to promote them.”

After repeatedly wrestling with the question of how to elect the President, the Convention on July 26 referred the question to the Committee of Detail. The Convention adjourned from July 26 until August 6, instructing the Committee of Detail to “prepare and report the Constitution.” This committee, having been formed on July 24, was assigned to draft a written constitution based on the 23 resolutions that had been approved through four weeks of vigorous debate. John Rutledge of South Carolina, Edmund Randolph of Virginia, Nathaniel Gorham of Massachusetts, Oliver Ellsworth of Connecticut, and James Wilson of Pennsylvania labored over this task.

Using the Articles of Confederation, Virginia Plan, the debated resolutions, and the state constitutions, Randolph prepared a draft, which Wilson edited substantially. The Committee then made further improvements, resulting in the August 6 Report. These five men had a remarkable opportunity to apply their judgment to shape the Constitution. As they began, James Wilson reminded participants “We are providing a constitution for future generations, and not merely for the peculiar circumstances of the moment.”

How did this committee resolve the question of how to elect the President? In Article X of the Committee Report presented on August 6, they wrote, “…He shall be elected by ballot by the Legislature. He shall hold his office during the term of seven years; but shall not be elected a second time.” This early draft of the Constitution would be the subject of continuing debate and revision.

For more detailed information on the Constitutional Convention, please visit Prof. Gordon Lloyd’s web companion to the Philadelphia Convention.

Fifth-grade teachers have attended many of our professional development programs because U.S. History is often taught at that grade level. Because it is important for students of all ages to engage in thinking about the Constitution and its principles, we are often asked for ideas about how to adapt our existing secondary resources for younger learners. Below are some of the strategies that teachers of elementary students might use in order to effectively employ Bill of Rights Institute lesson plans in their classes. A few simple modifications can make the readings and activities age-appropriate.

• Vocabulary support: pre-teach vocabulary, add marginal notes, highlight important terms
• Use additional images: conduct an internet search of public domain resources for supporting portraits, maps, or period art work
• Chunking: break up readings into shorter segments; jigsaw strategies; graphic organizers
• Use fewer or shorter passages from primary sources
• Help students understand relevance by leading them to point out connections between the lesson content and their everyday lives
• Emphasize cross-curricular applications: many Bill of Rights Institute lessons include elements from social studies, reading, and writing–even math
• Notice “story-telling” opportunities – Students of all ages love stories

Many of our lesson plans use activity cards and small group activities to have students engage with the content. With a little vocabulary support, these cards are a vehicle to engage young students in considering applications of important constitutional principles.
These and other scaffolding ideas can provide the tools to empower young learners to grapple with complex critical thinking tasks. It is important to enable them to read and understand primary source documents, presented in age-appropriate chunks. If your students would be discouraged by a whole paragraph from a primary source, give them a sentence. If a sentence is too much, give them a phrase. But help students develop their capacity for thinking about complex issues by presenting and discussing these issues. A kid does not learn to swim if he never gets in water over his belly button. He won’t learn to think if he is not coached into working with challenging materials.
What strategies and tips have you found to be helpful in leading young learners to understand and appreciate their heritage of liberty?

Thanks to Elaine Rowe (New York), Diana Fiddler (Oklahoma), and Emma Humphries (Florida) for contributing their ideas on this topic!

Pre-Order your copy of the Founding Documents: A Three-Act Drama today!

How many leave?
Richard Ingersoll’s 2003 report is representative of many recent studies: “The data suggest that after just five years, between 40 and 50% of all beginning teachers have left teaching altogether.”

Ingersoll’s study indicates that the teachers most likely to leave the classroom are those in high-poverty public schools. He also reports, interestingly, that “a number of studies have found that teachers with higher ability, as measured by test scores such as the SAT, the National Teacher Exam, and teacher licensure tests, are more likely to turn over (e.g., Weaver 1983; Murnane et al. 1991; Schlecty & Vance 1981; Stinebrickner 2001; Henke et al. 2000).” However, social studies teachers are less likely to leave the field of education than teachers of most other subjects.

What are the reasons for leaving?
Teachers’ reasons for leaving include such factors as school staffing action (layoffs, school closings, etc.), and personal issues such as family moves and health problems. Of those who list job dissatisfaction as their main reason for leaving, “most often link their turnover to low salaries, lack of support from the school administration, student discipline problems, poor student motivation, and lack of teacher influence over decision-making.” (Ingersoll)

According to the U.S. Department of Education’s 2005 Teacher Follow-up Survey (TFS) “the five most commonly reported sources of dissatisfaction were a lack of planning time (60 percent), too heavy a workload (51 percent), too many students in a classroom (50 percent), too low a salary (48 percent), and problematic student behavior (44 percent)…”

Combining the results of these and other similar studies, we see the following main issues emerge:
• Salaries
• Lack of support from school administration (including teacher influence over such topics as school-wide decision making, planning time, and workload)
• Classroom management issues (such as student behavior and motivation, as well as having too many students)

Regardless of the reasons an early career teacher may have for leaving the occupation, the result is a revolving door in which people decide to give up on teaching within the first five years. This results in regrettable losses for school districts, the teachers themselves, and for students. In terms of school cohesion and organizational planning, the school must continually spend its resources starting from scratch to train new personnel. The teachers themselves have spent considerable money and valuable time preparing for a career that they determine is not a good fit, after all. And, clearly, the quality of instruction suffers when students are taught by a succession of first-year teachers who, though they are filled with idealism, passion, energy, and sound training, have not yet developed the sense of confidence and expertise that can only come from experience.

What can help?
What can be done to stem the flow of teachers who give up too early? Mentoring and induction programs can make a big difference.  Another predictor of teacher stability is student achievement. Studies conducted by Goldhaber, Gross and Player - indicate that “teachers who have been shown to increase their students’ academic performance stay in the teaching profession longer and are not necessarily more apt to leave lower-performing, poorer schools.” Also, “on average, more effective teachers (as identified through value-added measures of teacher performance) tend to stay in their initial schools and in teaching.”

These studies are consistent with other research in finding that mentoring, collaboration, and professional development, along with experiencing success in improving their students’ achievement, can help novice teachers capitalize on their energy and passion, thus keeping them in the classroom.

What frustrations have you heard from early career teachers who are questioning whether they should remain in teaching?

What supports helped you through those early years when you wondered, “What did I get myself into?” and “Can I really do this?”

The Bill of Rights Institute’s Founders Fellows Program
The Bill of Rights Institute, of course, cannot address all the issues that are known to discourage early career social studies teachers. We cannot ensure higher salary, more supportive administration, or fewer disruptive students. However, there is an important role for the model of professional development demonstrated in our Founders Fellows Program for early career teachers, a combination of distance education and Washington D.C. -based experiences. In this pilot program available for teachers in select areas, we provide promising early-career teachers with three critical tools that will help them increase their satisfaction and effectiveness as teachers of the Constitution and its principles:
• Deepened academic understanding of the Founding through an intense focus on founding documents
• Coaching in best pedagogical practices
• Networking and fellowship with other like-minded teachers

In this second pilot year, the selected early career social studies teachers will participate in a year-long professional development program including scholarly lectures, discussions, and tours of historic sites of the Founding in the Washington, D.C. area. This program is intended to deepen participants’ understanding and appreciation of the American Founding.

Here are some comments from our Founders Fellows class of 2010:
• I got lots of new stories to add to the classroom, lots of pictures that my kids will love, and I started to think about the Framers as a whole rather than each man individually.
• This year will be my first teaching this topic so the stories and facts will be extremely helpful in my background knowledge.
• Before, I was afraid to use primary sources; now I can’t wait!
• I realized the importance of primary documents.
• I learned new lead-in discussion questions, different ideas for how to break down difficult writings for my kids.
• I recommend participation in this program. This was an educator’s dream. Being surrounded by other history teachers, going to the historical sites, with class lectures was a joyful experience!

The Bill of Rights Institute’s Founders Fellows program invests in promising early career teachers.  Professional development plus mentoring plus a strong focus on the Founding documents can help equip new teachers to find satisfaction in their career.

Bill of Rights Song (to the tune of “The Twelve Days of Christmas”)

The First Amendment guarantees religion, speech, and press
Petition and assembly, too.

The Second Amendment guarantees a right to bear arms,
Religion, speech, and press,
Petition and assembly, too.

The Third Amendment guarantees no quartering of troops,
A right to bear arms,
Religion, speech and press,
Petition and assembly, too.

The Fourth Amendment guarantees a warrant for a search,
No quartering troops,
A right to bear arms,
Religion, speech and press,
Petition and assembly, too.

The Fifth Amendment guarantees DUE PROCESS RIGHTS!
Warrant for a search,
No quartering troops,
A right to bear arms,
Religion, speech and press,
Petition and assembly, too.

The Sixth Amendment guarantees a fair and speedy trial.
DUE PROCESS RIGHTS!
Warrant for a search,
No quartering troops,
A right to bear arms,
Religion, speech and press,
Petition and assembly, too.

The Seventh Amendment guarantees a jury if you’re sued.
Fair and speedy trial,
DUE PROCESS RIGHTS!
Warrant for a search,
No quartering troops,
A right to bear arms,
Religion, speech and press,
Petition and assembly, too.

The Eighth Amendment guarantees no cruel punishment.
A jury if you’re sued,
Fair and speedy trial,
DUE PROCESS RIGHTS!
Warrant for a search,
No quartering troops,
A right to bear arms,
Religion, speech and press
Petition and assembly, too.

The Ninth Amendment guarantees our unlisted rights.
No cruel punishment,
A jury if you’re sued,
Fair and speedy trial,
DUE PROCESS RIGHTS!
Warrant for a search,
No quartering troops,
A right to bear arms,
Religion, speech and press
Petition and assembly, too.

(Slower on this final verse)
The Tenth Amendment guarantees power to the states.
Our unlisted rights,
No cruel punishment,
A jury if you’re sued,
Fair and speedy trial,
DUE PROCESS RIGHTS!
Warrant for a search,
No quartering troops,
A right to bear arms,
Religion, speech and press
Petition and assembly, too.

Have you tried any of our strategies or songs with your class?

Hook # 1 Overhead projector cart
Hook # 2 Electric fan
Hook # 3 White board on the side of the room
Hook # 4 Window
Hook # 5 Book case
Hook # 6 U.S. flag
Hook # 7 Wall-mounted television
Hook # 8 Wall-mounted public address system speaker
Hook # 9 Floor
Hook # 10 Ceiling

Working with the class as a whole, and encouraging choral responses, I drilled them several times on what object they had picked for each number. “What’s # 1?” “Projector cart!” “What’s # 5?” “Book case!” It’s important for each student to be sure of the object that represents each number before moving on to the next step.

Step 2: I explained the main idea of the protections guaranteed by each Amendment, and asked students how they could associate the protection with its corresponding “hook.” It’s important that the students themselves have time to reflect and suggest the connection between each physical hook and the guarantee(s) contained in the Amendment. In this manner, the students “own” the connection and the memory device will be much more effective than if the teacher chooses the method of association. This process takes some time, but time spent in this activity is an investment that pays lasting dividends in terms of academic understanding as well as rapport in the learning community of the classroom. If the method of association is humorous, or uses rhyme, rhythm, or music, so much the better! The most memorable and effective associations were those that were silly and unique. Below are some examples suggested by my students through the years. I recommend that you give some advance thought to the possible hooks that students may identify in your classroom, but let students take the initiative as much as possible in making the actual selections.

Hook # 1: How do we use the projector cart in ways that will remind us of the First Amendment, which guarantees freedoms of religion, speech, press, petition, and assembly?
Religion: Projector bulb: “I have seen the light!”
Speech: The projector cart is sometimes used as a podium, which is where people give speeches.
Press: We write on transparencies to “publish the news” for the class each day.
Petition: If a student wants to find me to request (petition for) a change in classroom rules, the projector cart is the most likely place in the room where he can find me. Imagine running into the room and sliding on one’s knees to beg for the change!
Assembly: The classroom is often cold; if we all assemble around the projector, we’ll stay warmer. Imagine warming hands around a “fire”.

Hook # 2: How will the electric fan remind us of the right to bear arms? The fan has blades, which can remind us of weapons.

Hook # 3: How will the white board remind us that we cannot be required to quarter troops in peacetime? We will imagine an unwelcome soldier trying to come into the room through the white board—he can’t get in that way! (This is a great opportunity for an artistically-inclined student to volunteer to draw the soldier on the board.)

Hook # 4: How will the window remind us of the protection against unreasonable searches and seizures? If a police officer is peering through the window looking for something inside, we tell him he has to go away unless he has a warrant.

Hook # 5: How will the book case remind us of the protections of the Fifth Amendment? The books are silent–we can’t make them talk to us (no forced confessions). If we think the books have some information we need, we must take the proper steps to find that information (due process).

Hook # 6: How will the U.S. flag remind us of the right to a fair and speedy trial in a criminal case? Imagine a judge, robes flying behind him, rushing into the room with the flag, yelling, “Liberty and justice for all!—even criminals!”

Hook # 7: How will the television remind us that, if someone sues me for more than $20.00, I can insist on a jury trial in that lawsuit? People in Judge Judy’s courtroom could have asked for a jury instead of having her hear and decide their cases.

Hook # 8: How will the speaker remind us of the protection against cruel and unusual punishment? The interruptions and announcements often seem cruel!

Hook # 9: How will the floor remind us of our unlisted rights? If we started to write on the floor to list our rights, we would run out of floor space before we could name all the rights we have.

Hook # 10: How will the ceiling remind us of the powers reserved to the states? The Constitution is the limit (ceiling) on the powers of the federal government; the sky is the limit on the powers of the states and the people themselves.

It often took me most of two 50-minute class days to teach the entire Bill of Rights in this manner, as we had lots of discussion for each point. I used this opportunity to dispel some myths and misunderstandings that students may have had. For example, the First Amendment guarantees free speech, but we don’t have unlimited free speech. As is the case with all our other rights, we have the responsibility to observe some limits on our freedom of expression in order to live in a civil society where we don’t violate the rights of others. Parents are not violating the Fourth Amendment when they go into a teenager’s room; the Constitution applies to actions by government, not actions by individuals.

When we finished working through the Bill of Rights, it was fair game for a quiz any time. Also, when I saw my students in the hall, I would ask them randomly—“Joe, what’s the Second Amendment?” I was holding them accountable for learning the Bill of Rights, and holding myself accountable for learning my students’ names!

Another way I reinforced the understanding of the Bill of Rights was that we would sing them (to the tune of “The Twelve Days of Christmas”). I gave bonus points to choir students who would make a recording of the song so that I didn’t have to lead the music! Before long, students were asking for a Bill of Rights quiz because they knew it would improve their grade average.

The investment of time to develop a deep understanding of the Bill of Rights set the foundation for many other activities throughout the school year, and former students still tell me that this lesson is the reason they know their rights today.

What methods do you use to help students understand the Bill of Rights? What memory devices (for this or other topics) have been fun and engaging for your students? How might you use similar strategies to address those elements that you have identified as vital lessons that you want your students to own forever?

Books on a shelf, Jon Sullivan

Students don’t always come to us with the literacy skills they need, and it’s important for teachers to be mindful of ways to support them as they develop those skills. I’ve worked for the Bill of Rights Institute since 2007, but before that, I had a long and rewarding career as a Social Studies teacher in Texas.

Kathleen A. Hinchman and  Heather Sheridan-Thomas (Editors) published Best Practices in Adolescent Literacy Instruction in 2008. This book includes tips to consider regarding classroom practices to help students build up the cognitive tools necessary to take charge of their reading. Here are some of my favorite reading skill development tips from their book:

• Establish the motivation and purpose for reading.
• Connect instruction to students’ out of school lives; (e.g.: use popular culture or current events text).
• Provide choice in reading and writing tasks. This makes an enormous difference in a student’s motivation or engagement with those tasks.
• Model the reading strategies directly through your teaching. (e.g.: “Think aloud” to show students exactly how you yourself figure out the main idea of a passage.)
• Create opportunities in class to practice the new skills and strategies.
• Offer a wide range of texts and difficulty levels: an easy & objective introduction to establish foundation & vocabulary, a second text that is more comprehensive, and a third text from another perspective to compare and contrast.
• Encourage collaboration including both face to face discussion and online interactions. Some platforms to try could include Facebook, Twitter, blogs, etc.  On Nicenet.org, the teacher can create an online classroom in which the teacher controls access. It’s free and provides an online discussion feature, as well as a number of other easy-to-use tools.
• Ask students to analyze the effectiveness of their new literacy strategies. What worked and what didn’t work for them? How did their peers approach a particular task?

How can you tell if these strategies are working with your students? Asking the students to give you feedback is a great start.  We know that “good readers” will naturally do the following, so you might decide to keep track of how well your students accomplish the following reading goals (Adapted from Pearson, Dole, Duffy, and Roehler, 1992):

1. Activate background knowledge and make connections between new and known information.
2. Question the text to clarify ambiguity and deepen understanding.
3. Draw inferences using background knowledge and clues from the text.
4. Determine importance to separate details from main ideas in the text.
5. Employ fix-up strategies, such as using text features, to clarify and repair confusion.
6. Use sensory images to enhance comprehension and visualize reading—paint a picture in one’s mind.
7. Synthesize and extend thinking.

What are some of your favorite strategies and resources to help kids develop reading skills? Do you use online collaboration tools or do you prefer in-class activities?